Excerpts from the dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy - PhD submitted by Romana Hagyo, MA

Salzburg 2018

Romana Hagyo

Being in the picture about living

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The selection of the works of art examined and the artist's own artistic work14 in the chapter "The Diffusion of the Public and Private in Housing" are motivated by the project's intention to make the point that "housing" is not the same as being at home. I would like to discuss the complex relationship between public and private spaces in housing in the context of current phenomena of homelessness, flight and migration and new forms of media communication. For this reason, at the end of the chapter "The Diffusion of the Public and Private Spheres in Housing" the work "Test. Test. Liegen" (by Romana Hagyo and Silke Maier-Gamauf), which focuses on lying in public space. The selection of works in the fourth chapter focuses on projects that are placed at the interface of public and private spaces or make this the subject of discussion. In particular, spatially elevated positions on facades, balconies and platforms (for example Christian Hasucha: "Living in Slubfurt") are focused on. At the beginning of this chapter the places at the window, on the balcony or on the façade as interfaces of public and private spaces will be thematized by means of historical examples.

14 On the relationship between writing about art and one's own artistic production, see the

Chapter "On the mutual relationship between science and art in this work".

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The examples given focus on the permeability of the boundaries between public and private spaces, the interplay of the gaze, the exchange of information and participation in rallies and protests as forms of participation in the debate about living together. Subsequently, selected works by artists who place their projects at the window, on the balcony (the loggia) or on the façade will be made the subject of discussion. In different ways, they negotiate the permeability of the boundaries of public and private spaces. In the project "Women at Work - Under Construction" (1999), Maja Bajevi? embroiders together with her team the covering of the facade of the National Gallery of Bosnia and Herzegovina. For "Green, Green Grass of home - the Construction" (2002), she reconstructs the ground plan of her apartment on a public square, which she lost in the war, and makes the resulting lawn available to passers-by. Christian Hasucha has a balcony erected on scaffolding opposite the "Monument to Fascism" in Slubice (Poland), which can be designed and used by different people for a day. In another work, "Günters Fenster" (2000), the artist takes the spatial position at the window as his theme, while the project "Die Insel" (2006) provides a raised platform in public space as a place of residence. The projects of the two artists will be put up for discussion in order to explore the question of the extent to which the placement of the interventions on the façade or balcony or window is suitable for making clear the permeability of the boundaries between interior and exterior spaces and the penetration of the public and private in living. The selection of the artistic works is motivated by the intention to make the theme of the present research work that "living" is not exclusively "to be equated with owning a >home<, with being at home, close to oneself, in the middle of one's own knick-knacks, in one's neighbourhood, in one's town or country estate" (Nancy 2011). For this reason, at the end of the chapter, a separate art project, "Test. Test. Lying" (Romana Hagyo and Silke Maier-Gamauf, since 2015), which makes lying in public space a theme.

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4.4 "Trial living" - Christian Hasucha117

The chapter "Windows, Balcony and Facade" uses historical examples to show that windows function as interfaces between inside and outside and that a stay on the balcony offers the opportunity to participate in public life. The window serves as a framing of the gaze and structuring of perception: "Such spatial motifs are particularly interesting because, on the one hand, they open up options for action, secondly articulate specific spatial and visual relationships, and thirdly address the relationship of people to things and the world in which they live" (Hagener). In the following, the focus is on three works by the artist Christian Hasucha: "Probewohnen in Slubfurt" (2005), "Günters Fenster" (2000), and "Die Insel" (2006). In "Probewohnen in Slubfurt" and "Günters Fenster" a loggia and a window were used as places of action for public interventions.

In the fictitious city of Slubfurt (a synthesis of Frankfurt/Oder and Slubice) Christian Hasucha erected a loggia on a scaffolding opposite the monument to fascism, which served as a place of residence for various people for one day (cf. Hasucha n.y.). Since the loggia was on a scaffolding and not in a house facade, it offered the spatial position of a balcony. For the project "Günter's Window" Christian Hasucha invited his neighbors to change their place of residence for two weeks. The artist knew Günter Schulz because he spent his days in Berlin-Neukölln standing at his window and watching what was happening on the street. Christian Hasucha had Günter's window (and his living room) rebuilt in Mühlheim an der Ruhr and invited his neighbor to spend a fortnight at his window there (cf. Hasucha 2013). "Trial living in Slubfurt" and "Günter's window" are discussed in order to explore the question of how the "options for action", the "spatial and visual relationships" and the participants' relationships "to things and to the world around them" are shaped when they are in a position at the window or in the loggia (Hagener). The projects "Günter's Window" and "The Island" will discuss the topic of the current penetration of the public and private spheres in housing and urban space.

Christian Hasucha has chosen the term "public intervention" for his artistic work since 1981. 118 He wants his actions and interventions to be understood as part of everyday life and therefore does not want to call them "art". "The problem I faced at the time was that everything you as an artist publicly formulated could slip under the label 'art'. This label then created something like a virtual 'white cube' that prevented contextual experience. Anyone who knew that it was an art action was trying to take a stance on the understanding of art conveyed to them. (Christian Hasucha in Funken 2001). For this reason, he places his works as temporary interventions in outdoor spaces (on streets, squares or in the landscape) or in pubs, but rarely in art spaces such as galleries and museums. Christian Hasucha also calls his works "events, implants" and "attributes" (Hasucha 1994). He does not want to offer finished works, which consist of the artist focuses on the action aspect of the constitution of public space, his interventions refer to the constitution of the public space, his interventions refer to everyday practices, to actions of people who create this space: Reinhard Braun (1994) emphasizes that "the public space" in the artist's work represents "a structure of diverse practices and habits, automatisms, in any case a network of events and actions that are carried out deliberately or quasi unconsciously.

Christian Hasucha's work stands in the context of a development of art in public space since the mid-1960s, which, following Miwon Kwon (2002), can be divided into three periods. The three developmental phases illustrate the desire to go beyond the placement of artworks in public spaces and to intervene with artistic projects in urban and social conditions in a changing way. The concentration shifted "from permanent installations to temporary interventions" (ibid.). This included "the shift of emphasis from aesthetic to social concerns" (ibid.), by not setting up finished objects, but initiating processes and triggering events. "Art in public space" (ibid.) describes the placement of works (e.g. the erection of sculptures or the application of facade paintings) in public spaces. "Art as public space" intends a site-specific work and the involvement of inhabitants of the respective area or of passers-by to trigger processes of communication (see also Lewitzky 2005).

"Art in the public interest" describes processual projects that are developed in cooperation with people and are related to their everyday life. The intention is to trigger processes of co-designing mostly urban spaces. The projects often have an activist character or are carried out in cooperation with local organisations. It is under discussion that "art in the public interest" can also serve to optimise the location or create the illusion of co-determination (e.g. in the design of the urban space of a particular area), although this is not feasible in the long term.120

In his public interventions Christian Hasucha formulates the approach of "getting involved" (Christian Hasucha in Funken 2001). In an interview with Peter Funken, he makes it clear that his projects should not only give employees, but above all visitors and residents the opportunity to get involved. Critically, it should be noted that only those who have been informed about the offer in advance and who register can get involved.

Taking "Günter's Window" as an example, the artist explains that in temporary interventions he creates situations that enable the actor to direct his "exploratory gaze" (ibid.) at the everyday environment. Changes to the spatial settings are only possible for users in the project "Living in Slubfurt". The artist repeatedly works with spatially elevated locations, platforms, positions at a window or on the roof of a house. In this way, the temporary places created are highlighted from an everyday environment.

The project description of "The Island" (a temporary elevated platform that can be the 360-degree panorama of everyday life functions as a public-private retreat that allows a calculated break with everyday life" (Kunst im öffentlichen Raum Wien, n.d.) The artist's approach seems to focus less on interfering with everyday life than on leaving it by taking up a spatially elevated position.

The concept of "public intervention" (Christian Hasucha in Funken 2011) is understandable in the context of Christian Hasucha's work insofar as his site-specific interventions intervene in everyday spaces. The intervention, the intervening in these everyday spaces, takes place within the framework of the interaction of viewing relationships and spatial positions, but not on an activist level, which would aim for long-term changes in the spatial structures of the chosen places. Uwe Lewitzky (2005), who puts art in public space up for discussion with the question "Art for All?", mentions specifics of "art as public space" that apply to Christian Hasucha's work: making a place aesthetically experienceable and responding positively to "quality of life of the residents" "by means of an artistic practice that integrates the viewer into the work, supporting the creation of communicative processes".

4.4.1 Test living in Slubfurt

Slubice (Poland) and Frankfurt/Oder (Germany), the two parts of the fictitious city of Slubfurt, are located in border regions that are struggling with economic problems, unemployment and declining population figures.121 Until the end of the Second World War, Slubice belonged to Germany as a dam suburb of Frankfurt/Oder, and after the war the border was drawn along the Oder. Subsequently, people who had left their homes because of the war or its consequences came to Slubice and Frankfurt/Oder. In the years 1980 to 1990, the political situation made it almost impossible to cross the border or to cooperate. Until the Treaty of Krzy?owa/Kreisau (1990) people were uncertain about the future existence of the border and lived with the fear of having to leave their new home again (see Kurzwelly 2012: 140). The founding of the fictitious city of Slubfurt in 1999 represented an attempt to deal with the consequences of the shifting of the border after the Second World War and to promote contact, exchange and cooperation among people (see Slubfurt.net/ Historiea n.y.). A city parliament was founded and an art collection on the topic of the border was created in cooperation with the Kollegium Polonicum. In addition, workshops, repair cafes and cultural events take place. The initiative "Azylum in Slubfurt" (2014) referred to the situation of refugees (see Slubfurt.net/Azylum n.y.).

Trial living in Slubfurt took place in 2005 as part of "Slubfurt City" (curated by Michael Kurzwelly). On a scaffolding at the Platz der Helden opposite the monument of fascism122 a loggia was placed in the fictitious city of Slubfurt, which was made available to interested people as a place to stay for one day. Registration for the participation could be selected in advance the color design of the balcony. The Platz der Helden is located in the middle of a residential area123, the monument was designed in 1949 by Mieczys?aw Krajniak, it shows a Polish and a Soviet soldier. The temporary intervention of Christian Hasucha resulted in a process of engagement with the monument.

Olaf Grüneis (2005) points out that the project, in the context of politics of remembrance, has "a discourse", "in which the living must be involved". Christian Hasucha's approach of interfering in the context of his public interventions implies several factors in "Probewohnen in Slubfurt": 1. the decision to participate in the action and to use and shape the place of residence for a day. 2. to direct the "exploratory gaze" (Funken 2001) to one's own everyday surroundings (see also Figure 8) 3. to relate to the past (the monument of fascism). 4. exposing oneself to the situation of being observed by passing pasants can also mean exposing oneself to the risk of potential aggression (the night before the dismantling, the scaffolding was devastated by strangers).

Olaf Grüneis (2005) describes the spatial situation of the test living: "'Platz der Helden', on one side the 'Monument against fascism'. Scaffolding lifts a loggia about three to four metres above the square. Once the door has fallen into the lock, nothing can spoil the impression of loggia, of being at home, of inwardness." In the chapter "Window, Balcony and Facade", historical examples are used to discuss the ways in which the balcony, in its ambivalent function as a "stage" and "tribune" (Auer 1996: 51), made it possible to participate in public disputes: for appearances by dignitaries and political actors, for participation in riots (by firing projectiles at police and military personnel) and for observing participation in rallies and parades. In Christian Hasucha's project, the loggia became a place of "interfering", in this way "the familiar dialectic of private and public" (Wendt 1999) infiltrated. In the follow-up project "Probewohnen in Wilhelmsburg" the "interfering" of the participants went one step further: The action was part of the festival "Aussicht auf Veränderung" (prospect of change) (curated by Ute Vorkoerper and Andrea Knobloch, 2010) in Hamburg- Wilhelmsburg, a district that has the reputation of being a social hotspot. The loggia there was mounted on the roof of the Marktkauf multi-storey car park and was used, among other things, for the protest against the construction of a federal highway (see Wiensowski 2010).

4.4.2 Günter's window

In 2000, Christian Hasucha invited his neighbor Günter Schulz to move his residence from Berlin-Neukölln to Mühlheim/Ruhr for two weeks as part of the "Müllheimer Medienmeile". He had a pavilion built for Günter Schulz, the floor plan of which corresponded to the dimensions of his room, the window was also rebuilt in the original dimensions, his furniture was transferred. As in Berlin, Günter Schulz spent his days at the window (for overnight stay he was provided with a hotel room). In an interview with Peter Funken (Funken 2001), the artist used "Günter's Window" to explain the intention of his public interventions to give everyday situations more attention. Central to him was "the inquiring gaze [...], which takes into account the things, processes, structures, and thus the to living people." Günter Schulz stood at the window in Müllheim/Ruhr and observed the surroundings, the artist visited him and kept him company.

The work of Christian Hasucha is characterized by the fact that he conducts detailed conversations with the actors of his projects in order to get to know the people and to deal with them. The participants, in this case Günter Schulz, are not treated as lifeless extras, but their perception of the intervention is part of the process. The artist also adapts his concepts accordingly (cf. Funken 2001, Kohrt 2000). In his public interventions Christian Hasucha repeatedly works with elevated positions, which provide the participants with a place to stay, a platform or a vantage point: In Cologne (1989) he had a chair mounted on a wall. On behalf of the artist, an actor sat on the chair for three weeks and at irregular intervals pressed the trigger of a light box that lit up the word "now". The actor's experience report and the artist's design drawing were subsequently published (cf. Tauchert 2013). "Die Tasche" (2001) was a project that focused on the relationship between inside and outside: A glass cabin (with a chair, seat height approx. 1.5 meters above the floor) was set up in a Berlin pub. The glass cabin was only accessible from the street. The "Mr. Individual walks" project was carried out in several cities between 1987 and 2010: on a 2.4-meter-high pedestal, an actor walked on a treadmill for three hours a day for a week.124

In an interview with Peter Funken, the artist explained that he does not only conceive his public interventions in relation to a specific situation, but that he rather allows new situations to arise through the interventions, which can have an irritating effect and whose course cannot be controlled (cf. Funken 2001). What is irritating is that the medial intrusion into the home has been reversed. In the current situation of reality TV, media surveillance and media publication of domestic living conditions, Christian Hasucha's staging represented an attempt to make the media penetration of home the subject of discussion and to reverse it by placing the actor in his staging in an elevated observer position. "We, the public, are not the voyeurs who watch a locked-up group of people and observe them with relish, but this time it is a single person, especially one who, as an early pensioner, belongs to the disadvantaged in society - who casts his gaze on public life from an interior space. (Sparks 2001) This experiment will be discussed in the following.

In his reflections on the relationship between urban space and everyday practices, Michel de Certeau describes the elevated observer's position as panoptic, as a possibility of exercising control by visual means (cf. de Certeau 1988). The author speaks of the World Trade Center as a symbol of power and control (in keeping with the time when the text was written). During the production period of "Günter's Window", cameras and social media present everywhere took over the function Michel de Certeau attributed to the towers. Michel Foucault uses Jeremy Bentham's "Panopticon" to examine spatial and visual settings of disciplining and control and makes it clear that the knowledge of the potential presence of the gaze of a controlling instance results in prophylactically behaving as if the monitoring would be a permanent state (cf. Foucault 1975). He describes the "main effect of the Panopticon" as "the creation of a permanent and conscious state of visibility" (ibid. 168). In connection with surveillance measures at the outbreak of the plague in cities (in the 17th century), he describes that people had to show themselves at the window every day when their name was called and thus refers to the function of the controlling gaze (cf. ibid.). Günter's position at the window thus refers to the everydayness of media control and, as will be explained below, to the ambivalence of the observer's position in the course of permanent visibility (cf. Foucault 1975).

The actor Günter Schulz was located at the interface between inside and outside space and became an object of interest for passers-by and media coverage in print, online media and television (cf. Bartls 2016). In addition, Christian Hasucha published photographs of Günter's living room (both in Berlin and in Mülheim/Ruhr), furniture, memorabilia and friends in the project documentation (cf. Hasucha 2013: 92). Various details about Gunter Schulz's living conditions were described: the condition of his pillow, the length of his daily stay at the window, his biographical data, his professional situation.

In 2000, the year the intervention was created, the TV series Big Brother was started in Germany (cf. Krasny 2002). Numerous reality TV series, in Austria for example "Teenagers become mothers" or "We live in the community building" (whose production has meanwhile been stopped due to frequent protests) make it clear that the space of living cannot be separated from its media staging. The "performance in the setting of the apartment" is based on viewer ratings, followers and likes ("like" information on Facebook) and turns the home into a "public stage" (Krasny 2002). The home is not only the subject of media interest and publication in social media in the art context. As a workplace, the home is present during Skype conversations, its equipment is part of self-management. Christian Hasuchas staging, which was conceived as a reaction to the mass media intrusion into the home, resulted in the media publication of Günter's living spaces, his memorabilia and biographical data; the illustrations and text in the catalogue facilitated this process.125

It turned out that Christian Hasucha's attempt to place his actor in an elevated observer's position in order to reverse the media penetration of his home resulted in Günter Schulz himself becoming an "observer": the actor became the object of interest of the passers-by and of media interest, the cameras were directed at him.

4.4.3 The island

The medial penetration of the home is only one aspect of the diffusion of private and public spaces: on the one hand, the home becomes a public space through medial communication, on the other hand, activities that are connoted with the private sphere (telephoning, eating, sleeping) are carried out in urban space. Christian Hasucha's intervention "The Island", an elevated platform covered with grass, which the artist sets up in public space in several cities, is taken as a theme in order to focus on the performance of so-called private activities in urban space. Christian Hasucha conceived the project in 2006 for the art festival "Okkupation "126 in Berlin. In Neukölln, "Die Insel" stood on the square next to the town hall127 and could be reserved by interested parties and used according to their own wishes. At some times the artist himself stayed there and received visitors.128 The place where he stayed was entered via a ladder and an access hatch and was used for four weeks (of a total of two hundred people) for sunbathing, breakfast, barbecue, work and overnight stay in a tent. The intervention was subsequently shown in Lier (Belgium) in 2007, in Fribourg (Switzerland) in 2008 and in Vienna (2017).

On 28.7.2017 I had the opportunity to use the platform myself at Nestroyplatz in Vienna. At this place several streets converge, one of them (the Praterstraße) is very busy. Our group consisted of two adults and two youths, who climbed the ladder at the reserved time and stayed on the elevated lawn for one hour. The elevated position meant that we were exposed to the prying eyes of passers-by and caused time to pass slowly at first, so we looked for employment until a habituation effect occurred. In addition, the surface of the platform was convex (curved upwards), so that caution was required not to lose the objects we had brought with us by slipping.

The platform had several functions: As a place of communication it emphasized the need for a consumption-free stay in the urban space. In the same way, however, it could be assumed that it would fulfil the art world's need for extraordinary actions. Above all, however, the platform functioned as a "vantage point" and "presentation platform" (occupation n.y.). The site exposed its users "to the visibility of a variety set up in the marketplace" (Knobloch 2013). "In the constant expectation of an audience, every involuntary gesture, every spontaneous movement is transformed into the presentation of something special." (Knobloch 2013). As is already clear in the discussion of Günter Schulz's window position, the spatially elevated position is ambivalent. It not only offers an overview, but also places the actors at the center of interest of passers-by, the media, and also the art-interested public. The condition for the use of the platform is to agree to the publication of documentary photos of the stay (see agreement of use in the appendix). The use of the platform made clear the need for consumption-free, variably usable locations in the urban space. In this respect, the work contributes to the debate on the question of the accessibility of urban space and its possible uses beyond the compulsion to consume. At the same time, however, the people on the "island" have been exposed to the curious glances of passers-by, to media interest and to the glances of the art public.

The activities carried out in front of the eyes of passers-by are eating, receiving visitors, reading, telephoning, staying overnight. Actions that are connoted with the private sphere and with living (cf. Knobloch 2013: 65), but which are currently increasingly being carried out in urban space. The sight of people with a mobile phone or coffee cup in their hand is now commonplace on the street, birthday celebrations and naps are carried out in the park. The infrastructure of cities offers numerous possibilities to shift reproductive activities such as food intake and personal hygiene from the home to the urban space. "The modern city machinery with its abundance of goods, services and infrastructure can be understood as a complete socialization of the private household" (Siebel/Werheim 2003)

The title of the project, "The Island", described a sheltered retreat, the platform functioned as a staging of a living room placed in the centre of attention of passers-by (cf. Knobloch 2013). The domestic living room was already in use before the age of digital communication a public space. Its function is to receive guests, to present itself; the design elements (furniture, lamps, pictures) are chosen accordingly and the behaviour is aligned: "even the rules of behaviour for inhabiting are directed at an audience that is latently always present. (Knobloch 2013) Just like in a domestic living room, guests were received and entertained on the "island" opposite the town hall in Berlin-Neukölln, on a stage at a height of 2.5 metres. In the three projects under discussion, "Probewohnen in Slubfurt", "Günter's Window" and "The Island", the ambivalence of spatially elevated positions in urban space becomes clear: the artist's intention to involve himself with his works in everyday urban life, by creating situations that allow the users to step out of the everyday situation and to direct "their inquiring gaze" from an elevated position towards the surroundings, is opposed to the ambivalence of these positions. Whoever uses Christian Hasucha's offers, for example the loggia or the island, is the object of interest of the passers-by. "Living in Slubfurt" and "The Island" created situations that can be read as a staging of living rooms in urban space. They refer to the permeability of the boundaries of public and private spaces in living: Firstly, both in the historical development of the bourgeois household as well as currently (in view of the media penetration into the home) living rooms function as public spaces of communication129. Secondly, an interaction can be observed in European cities of the 21st century: So-called private activities such as eating and telephoning are carried out in urban space, while the walls of the home have become permeable as a result of social media and networked communication (as can be seen in the project "Günters Fenster" shows). Günter's position at the window as part of an art project not only gives him a view of the surroundings, but also means that his living situation and circumstances become the subject of media publication.

4.4.4 Viewing conditions and spatial orders

In the examined works of Maja Bajevi? and Christian Hasucha, it is shown that gaze relations are inscribed as spatial relations of power: Spaces are produced in a processual manner according to social rules (cf. Löw 2001: 241). The stay in spaces, the taking of certain places and thus certain positions of looking and being looked at is oriented towards these very social rules and norms of behaviour. To whom which places are granted depends on the factors gender*, origin, social situation, age, ability, religion and other factors. I would like to put up for discussion that artistic work has the potential to intervene in spatial orders. In orders that dictate which positions are to be taken by which persons, when and how. In the projects examined by Maja Bajevi? and Christian Hasucha, different conceptual approaches to intervening in spatial orders are being tested. In "Women at Work - Under Construction", Maja Bajevi? and her colleagues use the reconstruction situation of the National Gallery of Bosnia and Herzegovina to create motifs from the former houses of the to embroider participants in the scaffolding cover. The elevated position is used to leave traces in the urban space and embroider minorized realities of life. The participants work behind the cover, a semi-transparent fabric, and are thus simultaneously visible and concealed. It is a concept of visualization that works with the oscillation between showing and concealing, with transparency and veiling.

Christian Hasucha provides platforms that enable the participants to direct their "exploratory gaze" to their surroundings. This process functions as an escape from everyday life by taking up an elevated position (in the case of Günter's window, the everyday position at the window is changed in that the window is transferred to another city). "Living in Slubfurt", and "The Island" are temporary places created by the artist that allow the users to take up positions that are not provided for in everyday urban life. In the projects examined, the ambivalence of these elevated places becomes clear: having an overview of the surroundings means being exposed to the gaze of passers-by and media interest in the same way.

Figure 6: Christian Hasucha: Test living in Slubfurt, 2005, Photo: Christian Hasucha/VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

Figure 7: Christian Hasucha: Test living in Slubfurt, 2005, Photo: Christian Hasucha/VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

Figure 8: Christian Hasucha: Test living in Slubfurt, 2005, Photo: Christian Hasucha/VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

Figure 9: Christian Hasucha: Günters Fenster, 2000, Photo: Christian Hasucha/VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

Figure 10: Christian Hasucha: Günters Fenster, 2000, Photo: Christian Hasucha/VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

Figure 11: Christian Hasucha: The island, Vienna, 2017, Photo: Romana Hagyo

Figure 12: Christian Hasucha: The island, Vienna 2017, Photo: Romana Hagyo

Figure 13: Christian Hasucha: The island, 2006, design drawing: Christian Hasucha/VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn

117 The title of this chapter refers to the work "Probewohnen in Slubfurt" by Christian Hasucha

118 Christian Hasucha was born in Berlin in 1955. After his studies, the artist began the project series

"Public intervention", which he continues to this day. His work focuses on art projects in the

public space (cf. Sculpture Network, n.d.).

119 The intention not to offer ready-made works, but rather to get involved in everyday situations, is reflected in the

Tradition of a development that has continued since the sixties. The artists left

traditional art spaces and galleries, refused to supply works of art that were related to a particular genre

and concentrated on processual aspects of artistic work.

120 Numerous discussions have been and are being held on these points of criticism, for an overview compare

for example Lewitzky 2005, Babias/Könnecke 1998.

121 According to forecasts, the population of Frankfurt/Oder is to be halved by 2020 compared with the

of 1985 are falling (cf. Fichter-Wolf/Knorr-Siedow 2008: 35).

122 The monument is located in Slubice on Heroes' Square and was designed by Mieczys?aw Krajniak in 1949. On display are a Polish and a Soviet soldier.

123 The monument is located in Slubice.

124 The projects mentioned are documented on the artist's website (cf. Hasucha o. J.).

125 Although the artist tried to shield Günter from the media, the details can be found in Günter's

Life (his income, his daily routine, etc.) in newspaper reports (cf. Kohrt 2000).

126 The festival "Okkupation" organized art projects in public space. In preparation a

Symposium was held. In the project description it is formulated: "Whereby the temporary interventions,

that the project wants to realize is about the process of conquest, which is a design - that is

Transfer of an artistic practice into a political, social or urban planning practice -

...that could inspire." (Schumacher/Jonas 2006).

127 Diameter: 7 metres, height: 2.5 metres.

128 The intervention was carried out several times: At the market place of Lier (Belgium) 2007, in Friburg

(Switzerland) 2008, in Vienna 2017.

129 The wording "Living rooms function as public spaces of communication" should be added,

that currently not only living rooms are public spaces, but also in the same way other

Living rooms in which media networked communication takes place.

Cf. Project documentation Nr. 47 Trial-living in Slubfurt